Sunday, May 1, 2011

Optical Microscope Great Idea

those who do the game right now I would like

causes us deep regret to those without full support, we saw some glimpses of reversal of the neoliberal model in Argentina.
addition to the opposition alliance of more inept and unscrupulous confrontation with certain historical enemies of the country (SRA, Clarín, La Nación, large financial groups), and the worst governments of our history, Kirchner brought some fresh air.

but there was always doubt, not from the right and best-known and widespread, but the opponents and silenced by exegetes: 1) the alliance with the megaminería, 2) the soy model and 3) the double standard with ddhh, especially evident in the case of Qom in formosa and now in the July 9 recently returned to the plaza at risk of being repressed by the police.

the following article delves at length, it is true, these ideas. I think it is a must to discuss the "national and popular model" severely and structurally.

Soy

yes, Indians do not

By Dario Aranda

Government House. Noon April 27. President Cristina Fernandez de Kirchner announced on national TV to send Congress a bill to regulate the sale of land to foreigners.

700 yards away, the community qom La Primavera served four months in camp in the Avenida 9 de Julio and 48-hour hunger strike. No gifts requested. Require compliance with the law (Article 75, paragraph 17 of the National Constitution and ILO Convention 167, supralegal range). And seeking justice for the repression of November 23, 2010, where the provincial police (in complicity with the National Guard) hurt the elderly, women and men. And killed Roberto Lopez, grandfather Qom 62.

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foreignization

Italian brothers Carlo and Luciano Benetton have one million hectares. Is it better than Gustavo Grobocopatel acquires Aires?

The American Douglas Tompkins has 270 000 hectares. Is it better to remain in the hands of Alfredo Olmedo Salta?

not even approximate data exist on foreign ownership of land in the country. The bill proposes a register of foreign owners of rural land (grant 180 days). Perhaps the most important of the legislative proposal.

Federación Agraria Argentina (once so close to the Rural Society, now so close to the Government) risks such disparate figures as difficult to prove. Often cited a case survey itself, but never made public. Like the newspapers quoted him as revealed truth.

The only foreign hands, for now, emblematic cases: Benetton, Tompkins, Joseph Lewis and Ted Trun.

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Few can object to legislate on land sales to foreigners. Above all, the proponents will not oppose the current agricultural model because such a law does not affect any interest of the winners of current agribusiness model (where soy is only its most visible).

Regular land foreignization not fight the heart of rural injustice: the concentration of land. Very few have much land. Many (farmers and indigenous people) have very little.

INTA hard data: the 2 percent of farms control half the country's land. While 57 percent of the farms, mostly small-scale farmers, has only 3 percent of the land. Is land reform, but in reverse.

According National Agricultural Census of 1988 there were 422,000 farms in the country. That fell to 318,000 in 2002 (24.6 per cent).

It appears that in the past nine years the concentration increased, but (by INDEC) no official data. In 2008, in the middle of dispute between the Government and the Liaison Bureau, the Agricultural Census was conducted. Would provide accurate data after six years of lack of official statistics in the rural sector. But the survey expected the irregularities did not escape the INDEC. The 2008 Census did not cover the whole country and never had all the data gathered. Direct consequence, scientists Social not take it as valid and, reluctantly, must continue to manage the 2002 Census.

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" be a broad standard, to protect family farmers (...) There are models to look like Brazil, had anticipated the President on 1 March to inaugurate the session of Congress.

The announcement had created expectations of farmers' organizations. Mainly because Brazilian law provides for the social function of land, a longing for the rural movements base, which reject the purely mercantilist conception of the earth, looking only for profitability, and understand the earth as an indispensable element to produce healthy food for the people, the backbone of a country's food sovereignty.

Only 58 days after the announcement in Congress, on April 27 was national chain to introduce the bill. None of the seven facets mentioned the social function of land. Nor is there any mention of the "family farmers."

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Entrepreneurs and foreign governments do not need to buy land in Argentina to exploit them as needed.

Black River's government in October 2010 signed an agreement with China to plant 240,000 hectares, double the current Rio Negro area devoted to agriculture, considered by the provincial ruling as "the initiative's important provincial history. " A wide range of sectors will be warned that the "soybean production" of Patagonia, and warn about the social, environmental and health will entail. And point out the many benefits Asian country, the province gave 3000 acres free of charge, undertakes 240 000, provides a provincial port sector for at least 50 years, promises to introduce legislation that will benefit the "investment" and obliges the provincial government to cover the costs of offices , housing and transport of china company technicians.

Chaco's government signed an agreement last February with the "investment fund" Alkhorayef Group of Saudi Arabia. It is 200 thousand hectares of Impenetrable Chaco Indians living area historically and whose forest was decimated by the advance soy. The provincial government emphasized that the land not be sold, but may be planted soybeans. "If these negotiations progress, not only arbitrarily be prevented from accessing their land Chaco more legitimate targets (indigenous and peasants), but also consummated an irreversible process of dismantling, destruction, erosion and chemical pollution that is further enhanced further treated soils unsuitable for agriculture, so we'll be giving the heritage of today and the future of everyone, "reported the Multisectoral Forum on the Tierra del Chaco.

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The main problem of farmers and indigenous people is not the foreign ownership, but the agricultural model in the last decade moved on all that is filed.

in 2001 in Argentina were planted 10 million acres with soybeans. In 2003 there were 12 million. After seven years of Kirchner has reached a record 19 million hectares of soybean monoculture, 56 percent of cultivated land. Never before had grown soybeans.

" Shift of the agricultural frontier," celebrating the technicians and officials. In the daily routine involved field as violent as mass evictions. The Indian National Peasant Movement (MNCI-Via Campesina) estimated a floor of 200 thousand rural families evicted by the advancing soybean. Where MNCI has great presence, and in Santiago del Estero and Cordoba, the bulldozers are often at the service of seed pools and Liaison Officers (especially Agrarian Federation, Rural Society and the Argentine Rural Confederations).

Neither the national nor the provincial government have figures on rural conflicts caused by the advance of agribusiness.

Chaco Argentina Agroforestry Network (Redaf) is a multidisciplinary group composed of a social, environmental NGOs, academics and technicians north of the country. In October 2010 presented the survey "Conflicts over land tenure and environmental Argentine Chaco region, counted 164 land and environmental disputes, nearly eight million hectares (equivalent to 390 times the city of Buenos Aires) and 950 000 people affected, mainly Indians and peasants, only six provinces in northern Argentina (Salta, Formosa, Chaco, Santiago del Estero and north of Santa Fe and Cordoba).

" root of land conflicts in the dispute over the use of space and territorial control from the imposition of one culture over another. On one side of agribusiness, where land is a place to produce and do business, and the other indigenous and peasant culture, where land is a living space, "denounces the Redaf in his report.

The thickness of the conflicts (89 percent) were initiated from 2000. "C oinciding with the momentum of the agro-export model, favored by international market conditions for the marketing of soybeans, which brought Consequently the expansion of the agricultural frontier in the Chaco region, "says the report.

April 19, in an unprecedented event, a dozen farmers' organizations shared with a handful of lawmakers a bill to curb rural evictions. Unity in action from organizations with differences already was an auspicious.

Despite different levels of adherence to the national government, no evidence of political will of the ruling to the project. Very few members were present, a dozen advisers and did not cover official media.

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125

125 resolution marked a turning point in the valuation of agricultural model.

" is a model based on extreme 'zojización', driven by large companies that make up an important part of what we call the 'system of agribusiness." In this model strong carving a group of large companies and individuals that control key sectors of the system agro-export, export companies, major soybean, seed pools, seed, "explains Miguel Teubal and Thomas Palmisano in the recently published" From farm to stop the 2009 elections. "

In "The agrarian conflict, features and projections, economists Gino Germani Institute (UBA) make a detailed analysis of the agrarian structure, say that none of the players questioned Resolution 125 the model, ensure that in any way imply the failure of the farmers nor does it imply a measure of distribution. Conclude that, during the conflict, never questioned the model.

The researchers point out that seven companies account for 83 percent of soybean exports (Cargill, Argentina Noble, ADM, Bunge, LDC-Dreyfus, AC Toepfer and Nidera). 82 percent of the soybean oil is shared five companies (Bunge, LDC-Dreyfus, Cargill, ADG and Molinos Rio de la Plata). While 90 percent of soy products is up to six actors (Cargill, Bunge, Dreyfus, AGD, Vicentín and Molinos Rio de la Plata).

None of these players felt endangered their interests during the conflict resolution 125.

" The Government is desirable to promote the soy model allowed it achieve significant trade surplus and fiscal requirements for, among other reasons, to meet the payment of external debt. Also 'the field' interest to maintain a model that was highly profitable. Perhaps for these reasons none of the two conflicting parties criticized the soy model which was relatively intact, and continues unabated today, "stated Miguel Teubal and Thomas Palmisano.

No political candidate, ruling or opposition, which seeks to amend (At least gradually) the current agricultural model. Pino Solanas is very clear their opposition to megaminería, but (as the rest of the opposition) attended and smiled at ease in the last Expoagro, the big industry event.

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accomplice State

Agroforestry Network warns that the state's role is one of the key points that indigenous and farmers identified as responsible by action or omission, to resolve conflicts. "There is impunity and lack of political will of governments to solve the problem. It is notorious inefficiency and lack of government response. The government claims and heed not when they hear, deal with political pointers to divide communities and organizations. "

complains that all conflicts are "dissymmetric". Where companies, individuals with financial resources and state land dispute with indigenous and peasant families, "where the first control information having an impact on the media, have more resources and mainly have or are related to power." And the actor Tough questions were heavier at times to protect the people, "draws attention to the little state support for farmers and indigenous people and their involvement as the other protagonists of the conflict, either directly or indirectly. Clearly indicates that although the speech was questioned, in practice continues to support the model of extractive production and attacking Indian and peasant life. "

The Study Group on Political Ecology (Gepcyd) Gino Germani Institute (University of Buenos Aires) published in late 2010 "Rural violence in Argentina of agribusiness, where confirmed the increase of violence against peasants and indigenous people, and addressed the criminalization, militarization and physical coercion.

" understand that growing rural violence in Argentina must be interpreted in terms of the implementation of a global design agroestrategias and state policies that concretize the territory the beat in the extraction and consumption of natural resources ( ...) The territorial dispute between the agribusiness and indigenous and peasant communities, and violence than the first deployed on the second, is symptomatic of a process of concentration, "explains the group of scientists integrate social Gepcyd.

And they point to the role of state and private sector. "Rural violence rather than show a lack of institutions in land and rights of indigenous peoples and peasant communities, the answer seems to be linked as state

The October 12, 2009 was killed in the Tucumán Javier diaguita Chocobar. On March 13, 2010, in the place of St. Nicholas santiagueño, died peasant Sandra Eli Juarez, 33, after facing a bulldozer that was intended to build on land where his family has always lived. On 23 November, during a police crackdown, was killed in Formosa Roberto Lopez, Qom Spring community, which demanded a cut path for the right to inhabit ancestral lands. Both murders remain unpunished.

Criminalization increases. The Observatory of Human Rights of Indigenous Peoples (Odhpi) claims that only in Neuquén, there are 40 criminal cases against the Mapuche people, 200 defendants accused of the crime of defending the territory where they have lived for generations.

repression and criminalization is not exercised, unless exceptions by foreigners. Violence, bullets, prosecutions and prisons are promoted by "fellow" and with full cooperation of the provincial governments and the judiciary, also all Argentines.

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Country serious

" not affect existing rights. This I want to be absolutely clear, because otherwise would mean changing the rules of the game and hurt those who bought in good faith with rules that were in effect at that time, " remarked the President when he announced the bill on foreign ownership of land. And found that, not respecting the law, "speak of a country not serious."

Indigenous peoples and peasants has legislation that protects their land rights. National Constitution (Article 75, paragraph 17), ILO Convention 169, Law 26160, Possession Veinteañal force in the Civil Code. The Redaf states in the survey that 99 percent of land conflicts and determined that indigenous peasants lack of qualifications, by local law, the state and the judiciary should recognize. 93 per cent of disputes (153) result from any action that violates the rights of farmers and traditional communities in relation to land tenure.

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Notice

Hundreds of indigenous people around the country marched in May 2010 for ten days. For the first time in 200 years a massive indigenous march to Plaza de Mayo came and met with the Executive.

Twenty of indigenous leaders was with the President. After exposing the needs and desires, and make central in the defense of territory and the rejection of the model of extraction (soya monoculture tree plantations, mining, oil development), the President took the floor and announced that in case of discovering oil in an indigenous community, the transfer will be as smooth as possible.

indigenous leaders, many with high affinity to the National Government showed a mixture of surprise and disappointment. They wondered whether the President had not understood the Indian claim or had a decision.

Dear colleagues who support the current government does not get tired of seeking explanation, and usually end the discussion with an argument: "These are the contradictions of the model."

What happened to the community of La Primavera said that it is not contradictions. Decisions are real human costs. The geometric progression of large-scale mining is an example. Although perhaps the most obvious is the "Agribusiness Strategic Plan 2010-2016, a project official commitment to increase soybean production (among others) at 20 million tonnes further expand the agricultural frontier and multiply the environmental and social consequences.

The National Government's decision is to move on peasant and indigenous lands.

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Decisions

Five months after the repression of the people of Formosa Qom there is no room to deny the complicity National Government with the governor Gildo Insfran.

Despite the systematic violation of human rights, Cristina Fernandez de Kirchner has an alliance Insfrán unwavering. Evidenced by the action of the chief of staff, Aníbal Fernández, the National Institute against Discrimination, Xenophobia and Racism (Inadi), the only place that offered state assistance to the community of La Primavera. Fernandez limited action Inadi president, Claudio Morgado (the dirty work was left in charge of the vice president Maria Rachid).

The National Institute of Indigenous Affairs (INAI) under Alicia Kirchner, acting in accordance with Insfrán. Despite having valuable technical staff, nothing can expect communities struggle of a body that only acts as barrier to contain original claims.

But the most obvious, and sad, evidence is the silence of the President. Never addressed the issue in public, never received the family of Robert Lee. Even the extended camp in 9 de Julio Avenue and the hunger strike have led to a presidential gesture.

" The current genocide of indigenous peoples is no longer armed. Obscuring occurs, omitting, leaving them to die, is genocide by omission, "he said in 2008 the Supreme Court Minister Eugenio Raúl Zaffaroni.

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United against Qom

Rain. Saturday 30 April. Ernesto Sabato's death marks the media agenda. On May 1 there daily. The newspaper guards are at a minimum.

Contravencional Justice of the City of Buenos Aires issued early in order to release the cut on the Avenue July 9. In an event with few precedents, the Department of Homeland Security immediately gave the green light to make the Federal Police at the scene. Over a hundred troops were posted to free transit, against Indians began their sixth day of hunger strike.

There was no agreement or the claim arose or the hunger strike. Only common sense prevailed in the community, to clear the street, prevented repression. "We were told that we would be run by force and then we were going to take prisoners. The struggle continues, "said Felix Diaz.

American Commission on Human Rights (IACHR) had requested, on April 26, the Argentine government to adopt a precautionary measure for the community in Qom. The Committee urged the Government to "take the necessary measures to guarantee the life and physical integrity" of Qom "against possible threats, assault or harassment by members of the police, law enforcement or other government agents."

Four days later, the government did the opposite: it sent hundreds of troops to evict the Avenida 9 de Julio.

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Security Vice Minister, Cristina Caamaño, recognized his closest associates that "no order (Chair) to negotiate" with the Qom. "If you do not release the July 9, will be stopped. If you get up on the square, there will be arrests, "said a close associate of the deputy minister and former prosecutor, for outstanding work to investigate the killing of Mariano Ferreyra.

"Different rod" usually called journalists. The national government welcomed the family of Mariano Ferreyra and used its structure to seek justice. They're prisoners suspected material and intellectual authors of the murder.

Qom to the family of Roberto Lopez never received. In the scandalous court case for the Suppression of Formosa is a twenty precesses: all community qom La Primavera. No police, no policeman, no government official Formosa.

Gildo Insfran is governor since 1995. And running for a fifth term. It was Menem, Duhalde and, since 2003, the staunch Kirchner model.

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The office of hide comfortable

"Journalism is spreading what someone does not want to know: the rest is propaganda" . It is one of the many definitions circulating among journalism students. She was awarded half a dozen journalists, but most often cited as author Horacio Verbitsky.

Qom repression of the people it exposed to journalism of the mainstream media.

TV channels, radios and newspapers nearby (or uncritical) to the Government focused repression as a confrontation, modern adaptation of the theory of two evils. Then, when the reality could no longer hide, noted as the only political leader to the provincial government. That was the limit. In these five months, rarely (very few) the media pointed to the complicity of the national government in the days following the crackdown.

In contrast, the means to clearly act as opposition parties (especially after the 125 and Media Law) noted from Initially the alliance Insfrán-Cristina Fernandez. But never cited the bottom of repression: the current agricultural model, which goes with soy, clearing, forced evictions and also to shift the cattle frontier. They do not indicate the reason for these media are a key gear in the development, consolidation and advancement of that model.

journalism is no longer important for what it says, but what they conceal.

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The "activist journalism" news agency Telam is a test case of journalism. Télam censored an article on Sunday 17 evictions of an experienced colleague farmers. It was only published on Monday 18, after the doors kicked colleague, discuss and demanded respect for his work and background.

On Wednesday 27 April, after many obstacles to pursue their daily work, a journalist specialized in peoples announced that he was writing about the issue until further notice. Since 2001 he devoted himself to learn, visit and listen to indigenous communities. A decade of visiting the country and witness the reality native of Argentina. He did not explain why he took that painful decision (for herself and communities), but all who receive shipments of Télam can imagine why.

On 19 April at 20.48 Telam agency sent the cable entitled "Insfrán meeting attended and inaugurated multiethnic works." He reported that 6,000 Aboriginal and hailed him as a token of that affection, gave indigenous cases said: "H emos greatly improved over the years, and this is due to the sensitivity of a popular government that was able to interpret the needs of native peoples. "

The last paragraph leaves no doubt. "(L you considered indigenous) has been precisely the Peronist government of the nation and the province whom we have fully vindicated our rights."

Journalists have the right not to sign the request we write articles but with which we disagree, whether editorial, publishing and also because the information is not true.

Télam cable was not signed by the editor.

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" solve one thing where we get the money to pay the expenses and other is doing journalism. I think that we should not confuse one with another. In this profession to give back to reality at a price. Do not give it, too, "says an old text of the cooperative newspaper La Vaca, which also risks a definition. "Say what you have to say and what to tell: that is what they have to do a journalist they can."

And stop for a moment, second level the role of media companies. "Are we going to continue claiming obedience in order to retain what is not happening and hiding what happens? (...) Let's hold, at ever lower prices, those jobs away, because we run the risk of becoming garbage we. "

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The game right

Many criticisms of the National Government retorts with, words or less, "will you do the game right."

repression of the people Qom was a personal breakthrough. The impotence of not being able to write where ever you downloaded in an opinion piece ( http://darioaranda.wordpress.com/2010/11/28/% C2% BFderechos-human / ) that circulated among friends and colleagues. As never before responses were accused of being "functional right."

Five months of that text, and given the actions of government, who makes the game the right are those who are complicit silence and repression, by act or omission, of murder.

No government action (for a just and revolutionary it is-and this Government has taken several-) that can compensate for complicity in the bloodshed of the masses.

" can not talk about human rights and support a governor to suppress and kill indigenous brothers," said Nora Cortinas, Mothers of Plaza de Mayo Founding Line, last March at the Faculty of Science Exact UBA.

Eduardo Galeano visited the camp Qom. It was less diplomatic: "They (Indians) have a voice but are not-heard, it was precisely those who are now camped out here, surrounded by the general disregard of near silence, which the Government does not give the ball lower when would have to be first in line, long before all the pieces of politicians seeking power. "

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Human Rights

kidnapping. Theft of babies. Torture. Concentration camps. Disappeared.

Argentina's indigenous peoples were exactly the same as victims of Nazism and the victims of military dictatorship.

But the genocide is still denied.

" never implemented regime fell to the military campaigns in the late nineteenth and early twentieth defeated indigenous autonomy, by dint of massacres, to consolidate the national state. There is a continuity to our present, "explains Walter Delrío historian and researcher, co-director of Studies Network Genocide in Argentina Indigenous Policy.

Studies Network says still weight on the native peoples of Argentina a process genocidal practices. Yesterday was the bullets, slavery and murder. Today is the territorial advanced on communities, evictions, repression, deprivation of livelihood, hunger, discrimination and neglect.

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A 28-year coup in 1976, the government decided that the School of Naval Mechanics (ESMA), the largest clandestine detention center, will be turned over human rights bodies, who erected there a space for memory anymore.

A 130 years after the beginning of the Conquest of the Desert, indigenous peoples do not have any similar space. Instead, the principal emblem of that military advance, Julio Argentino Roca, has many streets and schools with his name, and monuments remain that resemble high: in the center of Bariloche, the heart of Mapuche territory, a statue of Roca stands defiant. It is impossible to imagine a statue of Jorge Rafael Videla in Plaza de Mayo.

in 1994 passed Law 24411, which states that the State should pay the families of those killed and missing compensation for suffered from state terrorism. Any compensation or reparation is never raised for victims of the genocide of indigenous.

currently l a systematic violation of human rights of indigenous people not outraged public opinion. It is even denied by a section of intellectuals, politicians, journalists and opinion concerning.

Victims Indian genocide were (or are) the urban, or middle class.

Denial is ethnic and social class. And, of course, economic. The different production models of the last century and a half (agricultural export, oil, forestry, mining) had a stage large part of the ancestral indigenous territories.

For the native peoples there was a "never again."

~ by darioaranda on May 1, 2011.

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